Nepal’s general election, set for 5 March 2026, is the first following the Gen Z revolution in September 2025, and the battle between parties is not so much about their agendas but who they are offering as candidates. In fact, it is a contestation between old and new parties. If the new party wins the election, the most pressing question is not only whether it can survive potential political infighting in the post-election power-sharing deal but also whether it can maintain its own party unity.
Both this Gen Z revolution and this election are unique from previous ones. Each previous revolution largely focused on bringing about systemic political change and was fought to overthrow an autocratic regime. This revolution, shifting from the earlier focus, sought to bring systematic changes within the already established political system. It wants the current political system to address the fundamental problems, such as corruption and poor governance.
Although the primary aim of this revolution was not to seek an alternative politics but to address these systematic problems, the emerging Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) now sees itself as an alternative party to address the revolution’s demands. There are two observations to consider regarding the RSP’s link to it. Firstly, it was the youth-led Bibeksheel Nepali Party, established in 2012 and the former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai-led Naya Sakti Party, founded in 2016, that initiated the momentum of alternative politics in Nepal. The RSP later capitalised it. Secondly, and most importantly, the RSP did not lead the Gen Z movement; thus, it lacks legitimacy over it.
Nonetheless, this election is essentially seen as a choice between established parties, such as the Nepali Congress, the CPN (UML) and the RSP. It has largely been portrayed as a contest between the old and the new parties, but their election pledges are not much different from one another. One difference between them, however, is visible: the candidates. While the RSP has fielded new candidates with what it calls “new faces,” the old parties, as the name suggests, have mostly recycled the same candidates (old faces) from previous elections. Hence, the battle has often been portrayed as between the old and new faces.
The RSP is a relatively young party, established in 2022, and its success in a short span has been extraordinary. Nonetheless, its rapid rise has been accompanied by shortfalls. It is yet to develop a strong political base on which it can rely for voters’ loyalty. It also lacks a clear ideological stance, and the party is non-expressive in this regard. Since it lacks a clear trajectory in its organisational development and ideology, its identity has often revolved around its charismatic leader, Rabi Lamichhane, and his promises of an alternative politics. Nonetheless, his association with the running of a serious organised criminal activity involving the embezzlement of cooperative funds makes him morally unfit to lead the noble demands of the Gen Z revolution.
While the problem for the established parties in this election is the rise of the RSP and youth voters, the RSP’s biggest challenge is itself. Firstly, given the party’s weaker organisational and ideological stance, it risks becoming a “use and throw” party, as it has often been seen as a temporary platform by three types of politically ambitious young individuals: defectors, independents, and celebrities. The party is popular with defectors, who tend to defect to the RSP after failing to secure an election ticket from their original party. The current vice-chairman, Swarnim Wagle, is one of them. The young independents are aspirant politicians, but many of them did not want to take the long, arduous route to political office by starting their careers as party foot soldiers. The Former Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah is one of them. The last one is celebrities who are popular and effective within their field but have little or no experience in politics. TV host and actress Reema Bishwokarma is one of them.
Nepalese voters are great optimists; however, history shows that, in every election after the revolution, the new party (new face) that wins tends to betray them. Nepalese voters want fresh faces – and promises offered from them, whether or not they are deliverable. This time, the RSP is offering both. Given voters’ increasing frustration towards the established parties, this is a positive sign for them.
However, the challenge for the RSP is not winning the election but keeping the party united and its power sustained if it does win. Given the party’s weaker organisational structure and political base, it is a minefield of conflicting personalities among its few key leaders, and this may soon come to the surface, especially if it comes to power. The RSP may perform well in this election; however, one thing is almost certain: if the traditional parties suffer any setbacks, it will be largely temporary.
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